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马克思主义重磅出击:论资本主义的第二次衰退  

2009-05-16 19:01:43|  分类: 默认分类 |  标签: |举报 |字号 订阅

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马克思主义重磅出击:论资本主义的第二次衰退

原作者:厄内斯特·曼德尔

书评者:金德尔伯格

TheSecond Slump: A Marxist Analysis of Recession in the Seventies. By ErnestMandel. London:N.L.B., 1978. Pp. 212. $12.95.


Thetitle of this book is somewhat ambiguous. Presumably it refers to thelikelihood, as the author sees it, of a depression on the order of 1929-36. Itmight better be called in a hortatory fashion, the Last Slump, since Mandel, asa faithful Marxist, has the apocalyptic faith that "capitalism isdoomed" (p. 2) because of "the coincidence of the generalizedeconomic depression" with "an exceptionally high level oforganization, numerical strength and combativity of the proletariat, combinedwith the exceptionally pronounced political weakness of the bourgeoissystem" (his italics, pp. 83-84). The apocalyptic vision foreseesproduction for needs, not value in exchange, but is vague on its nature anduncertain that it will occur soon. Falling profit and overproduction produceinstability in what he terms the "imperialist" world, but Mandel isprepared to take notice of "underproduction" in the "so- calledsocialist countries" which, even though they are "superior to acapitalist market economy in [their] ability to avert great cyclicalfluctuations, overproduction crises, and unemployment," have"monstrous waste and imbalances caused by the bureaucratic monopoly ofeconomic and political management" and are distant from a genuinesocialist economy (pp. 146-48). He ends with three pages of rhetoricalquestions which fail to advance matters much.

本书题目,有若干含混之处。我猜想,正如作者所说,它指的是与1929-1936年间的衰退之相似之处。若要从吸引读者的角度来看,称之为“最后的瘫痪”,会更好一些,因为曼德尔是一个忠诚的马克思主义者。他有着神圣的信念:因为,“普遍化的经济衰退”与“无产阶级超强的组织力量、数字力量、战斗性”、与“资产阶段体制所具有的超级明显的政治软弱性”之间的“巧合”(pp.83-84),而使得“资本主义死无葬身之地”(p.2)。这种天启式的视角,预见到为需求的生产,而不是交换价值,但是,对其本质却不清楚,也不确知它会很快发生。利润的下降以及过度生产,造成了他所说的“帝国主义”世界的不稳定性。但是,曼德尔正在准备关注“所谓的社会主义国家”的“生产不足”。虽然这些国家,“在避免巨大的周期性波动、过度生产的危机、和失业上面,具有无可比拟的优势”,但是,“因为经济和政治管理上的官僚垄断性,造成了巨大的浪费和不均衡”,所以,与“真正的社会主义经济,有着遥远的距离”。他在结束时,用了整整三页的华丽问题,却没有对事物有太大的建设性推进。

Thebook, then, is better at sketching the troubles and difficulties of capitalismthan at outlining an alternative system. Mandel insists that the 1974-75recession was not the product of the OPEC oil price hike, but arose rather fromthe exhaustion of the industrial reserve army without which capitalism cannotsurvive. It is "extremely unlikely that the international capitalisteconomy will be able to return to the growth rates it enjoyed during thefifties and sixties" (p. 84). Increases in productivity have declined. Thebanking system is unstable. The Keynesian medicine no longer suffices to pullthe international economy out with increased sales to OPEC countries, moreloans to non-oil LDCs, and to so-called socialist countries. It is not madeclear why a rise in domestic public debt cannot substitute for the private debtwhich fueled the fifties and sixties, though partly the difficulty is that theworld economy is international, while fiscal policy is conducted on a nationalbasis, and there is "a crisis in international political leadership in theinternational capitalist world, even more sharply now than in previousyears" (his italics). The book is pieced out with 53 tables from standardsources, unhappily hard to retrieve since they are neither indexed nor listedin the table of contents. The literature cited is partly main- stream andpartly European radical, but not much of either.

因此,这本书,描述了资本主义的麻烦和困难,却未勾画出另一个制度体系。曼德尔坚持认为:1974-75年的衰退,并不是OPEC石油暴涨的结果,而是源于工业储备力量的耗竭。(没有这种储蓄力量,资本主义就无法存活下去。)人们“绝难看到,国际资本主义经济,能够回到让它快乐无尽的那个五六十年代的增长率去”。生产率增速下降。银行体系不稳定。随着向OPEC国家的销售增加、向非石油国的欠发展国家的贷款增加、以及向所谓的社会主义国家的贷款的增加,凯恩斯主义的药方,再没有足够的能力,把国际经济拉出泥潭了。他没有说明:为什么国内的公共债务不能替代推动五六十年代经济发展的私人债务。虽然,部分的困难在于:全球经济更加国际化了,而财政政策是以一国为基础来执行的,而且,“在国际资本主义世界里,存在着国际政治领导权上的危机,现在的情况,比以前还要更加严重。”这本书,用来源于一般性来源的53张表格,串联了起来,但是,很不好的是,它很难检索,因为目录表上没有索引,也没有列举。书中列举的文献,部分是主流经济学的,部分是欧洲的激进经济学的,但是,这两类文献,都不是很多。

Thereis something to much of this. But the work can be recommended only to the truebeliever. First, it suffers from writing at the top of one's voice, such ascalling Norway, Sweden, and Austria imperialist. Developingcountries are "semi-colonials." Words like"super-imperialism," "super-exploitation," and"super-profits" are not explained. The organic composition ofcapital, Department I and Department II, and so forth, are bandied about asin-group vocabulary. The first section of chapter 5 on "Marxism and theCrisis" is addressed to an attack on deviations among the faithful, andcomes through only dimly to the casual churchgoer. I tire easily of a surfeitof adverbs: "precisely," "clearly," "obviously,""excessively catastrophic" [sic], "virtually permanentnon-utilization of one third of existing productive capacity in the UnitedStates" (his italics, p. 26), not to mention the plethora of italicizationand of exclamation points.

这本书,除此之外,是有点货的。但是,本书只能推荐给那些“虔诚的信仰者”们。首先,它是在别人的论述之上写就的。像说挪威、瑞典和澳大利亚是帝国主义。发展中国家是“半殖民地”。像“超级帝国主义”、“超级剥削”和“超级利润”,都没有解释。写作的结构是:资本、第一部分和第二部分、等等,结构比较随意,就像是圈内人士的单词表。第五章的第一部分,讨论的是“马克思主义与危机”,一开始说要讨论信奉者之间的分裂,结果却只是隐约地提及一些偶尔的信仰者们。书里有太多的副词,像“完全地”、“显然的”、“明显地”、“极度可怕地”(原文如此)、“美国现有的生产能力的第三部分的本质上永远无利用”(见p26),这些话,真是很让人疲劳,更不必说那些多余的斜体字,以及多余的论点了。

Inhis preface the author claims to have striven for maximum "objectivity,"but not to be "impartial" (his italics, p. 8). I would not haveguessed the first.

在他的前言之中,作者声称力求最大的“客观性”,而不是“无偏见”(p.8)。我觉得客观性不好说。

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